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Economic
Aspects of the Project
- 1) Financial
returns on, and economic viability of the project.
- 2) "The
Bakun Dam within the development of the Malaysian economy"
- 3) Close
ties between project proponents, contractors, and government
officials
- 4) The
effort devoted to finding private or domestic sources of funding,
and to portray this project as an example of privatization.
- 5) The
international economic links implied by this project.
- 6) Doubts
as to the need for power from Bakun
Impacts of the
Project
- Environmental
Impacts
- Social
Impacts: Resettlement
- Technical
issues
Economic Aspects
of the Project (top of page)
1) Financial returns on, and economic viability of the
project.
Since the project was first proposed, its proponents have projected
favourable economic returns. In 1983 the SAMA Consortium projected
rates of return of about 16%. They also noted that only if there
was a "practically inconceivable combination" of low
demand for electricity, low fuel prices, and "extreme deviations
from expected costs (+20%) and benefits (-20%) would the project
become marginal. This study concluded that "Bakun is an
economically outstanding project."
However, the experience with most large water projects has
been that costs have been underestimated, and benefits have been
over-estimated. This appears to also be the case with the Bakun
project. Power from the project is likely to be more expensive
than that available from other sources. Ekran has signed a contract
to sell electricity to the national utility at a rate higher
than that offered to independent power producers, and about double
the cost of power from the utility's own stations. Even at this
rate, much doubt has been expressed that the project will be
economically viable. Ultimately, according to many critics, the
cost of the project will be borne by the national electric utility,
and by the Malaysian public, through higher electricity rates,
direct subsidies, or both.
Sources:
o SESC 1983.
o Insan,
Power Play, pp. 19-52. [Detailed discussion of economic
aspects of the Bakun Project.]
o Delphi
International, "Bakun: High Dam: High Risk?" 8th July
1996. [Assessment of the economic viability of the project, from
the perspective of London-based investment consultants. Highly
influential.]
2) "The Bakun Dam within
the development of the Malaysian economy"
(top of page)
Beyond the economic viability of the project itself, the Bakun
Dam has been justified in terms of the overall economic development
Malaysia. In 1991 Malaysia established "Vision 2020",
a plan that envisages Malaysia becoming a fully developed, industrialized
nation by 2020. Key aspects of the plan include:
- a central role in the development process to be played by
manufacturing, as the nation shifts from its former reliance
on primary resources and agriculture;
- access by Malaysia to the most advanced technology, through
both domestic innovation and links with foreign technology-based
companies;
- a partnership between the government and the private
sector, with shared goals, and close working
relationships.
Within this context, the Bakun Dam could contribute in several
ways to Vision 2020:
- through the supply of electricity, needed by manufacturing.
In recent years, demand for power has increased by up to 13 per
cent / year. The 2400 megawatts produced by the dam was expected
to be required by soon after the year 2000;
- through gaining access to advanced power technology, such
as turbines and transmission lines, provided by foreign engineering
firms;
- the project would be a model of close partnership between
the state and federal governments, and the private sector.
3) Close ties between project
proponents, contractors, and government officials
(top of page)
As is often the case in Sarawak natural resources development,
there are close ties between government officials and proponents
of resource development. (For example, the Sarawak environment
minister also holds major timber concessions.) In the case of
the Bakun project, two of the Sarawak Chief Ministers' children
are shareholders of the company participating in harvesting timber
from the forest reservoir area. The Sarawak Chief Minister is
also chair of the Sarawak Natural Resources Board, established
by the Sarawak government to regulate the project, and over-ride
the national environmental impact assessment provisions. Tight
links between business and government officials often means that
these officials are in a position to benefit when companies with
which they are associated receive benefits.An extensive array
of often closely-associated businesses are potentially or actually
involved in the Bakun project. In many cases, these businesses
have associations of
various kinds with Ekran Berhad. Ekran has sought to provide
lucrative contracts for components of the project (harvesting
timber, or selling products to the project, etc.) to associated
companies. (In mid-May 1997, however, ABB overturned many of
these contracts, opening them up to other companies through a
more competitive bidding process.)
Sources:
o "Jupiter's list of potential
players," The Edge, Oct. 14, 1996
o
"The Bakun Connection: The Business Connections and Environmental
Effects," Aliran Monthly, Vol. 15(7), 1995. [On the complex
business relationships of Ekran Berhad.
(top
of page)
4) The effort devoted to finding
private or domestic sources of funding, and to portray this project
as an example of privatization.
In the project's first incarnation in the 1980s, funding was
not discussed in any detail publicly. The widespread assumption
apparently was that Malaysia would seek loans from international
sources, particularly multilateral development banks such as
the World Bank. However, in the 1990s, there is clearly a strong
intention to avoid funding from multilateral sources. This is
likely an effort to avoid the controversies and close
examination that have arisen from World Bank funding of dam projects
elsewhere, such as the Narmada project in India. A statement
by Prime Minister Mahathir on September 24, 1991 perhaps helps
explain his government's effort to avoid involvement of the World
Bank: "We in the poor countries would like to have some
cheap hydroelectric power. But
all manner of campaigns are mounted against our proposals the
World Bank will be used to deprive poor countries of cheap hydroelectric
power. And all this after the rich have developed most of their
hydro potentials." Instead, funding is being sought through
domestic private and government sources, as well as international
private investors.
The extent to which the Bakun Dam represents "privatization"
of power generation is ambiguous: while Ekran Berhad currently
holds the largest stake in the project and is actively seeking
private investment, the Sarawak state government and Sesco are
also major shareholders. Ekran has also agreed to sell much of
the power to the national public utility,
at rates that may involve considerable subsidy of the project
by Malaysian electricity consumers. Indirect government support
of the Bakun project, through the involvement of the Employees
Provident Fund [state-run pension fund] in underwriting it, has
aroused controversy, because of the potential risk to workers'
savings being invested in this project, with uncertain returns.
While domestic sources are envisaged as the dominant sources
of funding, funding from foreign private sources is also clearly
a priority for project proponents, perhaps because of the credibility
such funding would provide. However, the effort devoted to obtaining
private funding illustrates the obstacles encountered in financing
such a project without subsidies. It has often been argued by
dam opponents that such projects could not survive without large
subsidies from governments or multilateral development banks.
Difficulties that Ekran has encountered in soliciting interest
from foreign private investors suggests that this is also the
case in this project.
Sources:
o Delphi International, "Bakun:
High Dam: High Risk?" 8th July 1996.
(top of page)
5) The international economic
links implied by this project.
The Bakun project has attracted the attention of numerous international
engineering and construction companies, with experience building
dams elsewhere. A consortium led by ABB Asea Brown Boveri and
Brazil's CBPO had won the bidding to build the dam. Other major
participants in the consortium include Hyundai Engineering and
Construction and Mexico's Ingenieros Civiles Asciados S.A. de
C.V. Other companies will also be involved. Both ABB and CBPO
have been involved in building many other dams, including some
that have aroused substantial controversy. These and a few other
major firms together dominate the $20 billion/year international
dam building business, engaging in active lobbying to support
dam projects.
6) Doubts as to the need for
power from Bakun (top of page)
Since 1993 Malaysia's generating capacity has expanded greatly,
with new plants being constructed by the national utility and
by independent producers encouraged by policies promoting privatization
of power generation. The margin of supply over demand has increased
to about 50 percent, with several additional plants expected
to be completed within the next few years. As a result, the need
for power from Bakun has become much less evident.
Impacts
of the Project (top of page)
As it had in the 1980s, the Bakun project has elicited a variety
of concerns, relating both to its impacts, and the process by
which decisions are being made. These concerns have led to formation
of a popular movement, the "Coalition of Concerned NGOs
Against the Bakun Dam". Since late 1993 their concerns have
coalesced around environmental
impacts, social impacts (resettlement), and economic and technical
problems.
Environmental Impacts
(top of page)
In the 1983 feasibility study of the project, the environmental
impacts of the project were described as manageable, and, on
balance, as positive:
"The project will have positive
effects with respect to the use of local resources, employment,
transfer of technical know-how, promotion of regional development
and industrialization, savings of fossil fuel, river regulation,
tourism and fishery. Also, air pollution would be reduced due
to the replacement of thermal energy. Other ecological effects
will be negative, such as the deterioration of the water quality
(although temporary) and the danger of the appearance of water-borne
diseases. With proper planning of precautionary measures those
negative effects can be kept under control and should not lead
to long-term detrimental effects."
According to the EIA, the dam would provide a range of benefits,
including improved conditions for those affected, flood control,
and better river navigation. While a range of impacts were identified
in he"preliminary ecological impact assessment", it
was concluded that these could be minimized. For example, sedimentation
could be reduced to an "acceptable level" that would
not affect the project. Sediment inflow was estimated "for
the present rate of erosion" as 9 million tons/year. This
was considered to have a "negligible" impact on reservoir
storage capacity. it was also argued that "the risk of long
lasting detrimental effects on men and environment caused by
the creation of the Bakun reservoir can be reduced to an acceptable
level if appropriate preventive measures are
undertaken". With proper management, the river system could
adjust to the changed conditions (for example, the diversity
of indigenous fish could ensure that there would be sufficient
species to fill all niches within the new reservoir.) It was
also argued that "[a]dequate measures will help to prevent
long lasting ecological damages as a result of the creation of
the Bakun Reservoir thus contributing to a successful implementation
of the
project."
Other impacts were less than feared, because of damage that
had already occurred. For example, since the reservoir area had
already been disturbed by shifting cultivation, impacts would
be less severe than if the area were virgin forest. Remarkably,
the EIA even claimed that the dam would reduce loss of forests,
even though site preparation for the reservoir involved clearing
the entire area. Further impact studies were also recommended.
Many of the claims made in this feasibility study could be
questioned. For
example, it was specified that during reservoir filling a "mandatory
release of 150 m3/s will be maintained to satisfy the needs of
the downstream ecosystem". This figure could be compared
with the observed unregulated flow, varying from 960 m3/s in
July, to 1975 m3/s in November. (It was not explained how 150
m3/s would be sufficient to "satisfy the needs", given
these pre-existing flows.) Similarly, while benefits of the project
identified in 1983 included regulation of downstream flows, "improving
navigation conditions and reducing flood damages", there
was no apparent discussion of the inevitable trade-off between
flood control and power generation.
Shortly after the release of the 1995 EIA report, it was evaluated
by the
International Rivers Network (IRN). The IRN identified numerous
shortcomings. While the EIA had identified a range of impacts,
including deterioration of reservoir and downstream water quality,
impacts on downstream water levels and salt water intrusion,
risk of waterborne diseases, loss of fish habitat, and inundation
of terrestrial habitat, most
of these impacts were not reflected in the EIA's optimistic conclusions.
The evaluation also concluded that the EIA's "usefulness
is severely limited by basic methodological flaws". It had
failed to explain why the dam was needed, or to consider adequately
the no-project alternative, or other sources of energy. Nor did
it evaluate long-term impacts, or interactions between different
impacts, such as the effect of water quality on fisheries. It
did not even estimate adequately the life-span of the project.
Numerous key issues were not addressed at all, and the report
relied too much on inadequate data or uncertain predictions.
In sum, the IRN said, the EIA "would not meet internationally
accepted standards for environmental assessments", and gave
no evidence of having benefited from past experience with large
reservoirs in tropical areas.
For
more information on the environmental impacts of the Bakun project.
Sources:
o Democratic Action Party, "A
Preliminary study on the proposed Bakun hydroelectric project,"
October 1985. [brief overview of environmental impacts, in the
context of ethical principles of reverence and respect for the
environment.]
o Ekran
Berhad, "Privatisation of the Bakun Hydroelectric Project;
Detailed Environmental Impact Assessment for Reservoir Preparation,"
February 1995.
o Philip
B. Williams et al., "A Review of the Environmental Impact
Assessment [Interim Report] of the Bakun Hydroelectric Project
Prepared for Ekran Berhad," Prepared for the International
Rivers Network, June 1995.
Social Impacts: Resettlement (top of page)
"We are happy you came among us.
For soon, we worry, we may drown
Because of Bakun.
We are mourning, due to our problems.
Share your ideas with us, so we can have courage.
Please help us, please tell your
friends, and others in the world outside,
that we have our problems
so that you and they can help us
one way or other.
Please remember us and our plight
whereever you go, wherever you may be."
'a parap' (an offering in song and
rice-wine) sung by a Kenyah grandmother.
The Bakun project would compel relocation of more than 9,000
people, who would lose their land, homes, and every other aspect
of 18 communities. Most are now subsistence farmers, with some
supplementing their income through cash crops or jobs in timber
companies. They value their autonomy: as one stated: "We
are poor only insofar as we have little money. In fact, we are
rich, because we have all we need to feed ourselves and house
ourselves. Rice is free, fish and meat are free, vegetables are
free, water is free, lumber is free". After relocation they
would likely no longer have their own land, but might have to
seek work instead on large plantations.
The need to resettle inhabitants was noted in the project's
initial feasibility study of the project. This was seen as a
relatively straightforward and inexpensive aspect of the total
project: 5200 persons (note population growth in the region to
about 9000 since the 1980s) would be resettled into areas having
"suitable living accomodation, basic infrastructure, such
as schools, medical centres and electricity and water supply,
and lands
for planting crops", at a cost of M$65 million. The resettlement
program, it was noted, "must cater for the needs and interests
of each ethnic group," and accordingly, detailed socioeconomic
studies would be needed of these communities.
A few hundred kilometers from the Bakun site sits the smaller
Batang Ai dam, completed in 1985. For that project, 3000 people
were relocated to an area lacking adequate farmland or jobs,
even before their new homes were ready. Many have not yet received
fair compensation, and almost half have returned to near their
original homeland. Relocation plans at the Bakun site appear
not to have benefited from this experience: the time frame for
completing the resettlement (by 1998) is unrealistically short,
and, as Jérôme Rousseau of McGill University has
documented, plans make little provision for the preferences of
those to be relocated. While many would prefer to move to higher
ground within the catchment area, plans call instead for a move
to an area with poorer land and fewer prospects.
Resettlement plans have been marked by a general failure to
consult those affected. As Nyaban Kulleh, a resident of one of
the communities to be flooded told a journalist in 1994: "no
one has come forward to tell us what is happening. We don't want
to go against the Government. But if the Government wants the
Bakun project, why don't they think of us? They say this is development
but we don't think that flooding our homes is development."
For
more information on the social impacts of the Bakun project,
especially resettlement.
Sources:
o Sarawak Museum, "Batang
Ai Hydro-Electric Project: Survey on the attitudes of the affected
people towards the project and resettlement" Batang Ai Report
No. 1, July 1979. [A survey of those to be displaced by the Batang
Ai project, before resettlement occurred.]
o "We
don't want to leave our land," Utusan Konsumer, Feb. 1986.
[interviews with those to be displaced by the Bakun project.]
o Democratic
Action Party, "A Preliminary study on the proposed Bakun
hydroelectric project," October 1985. [overview of issues
relating to resettlement.]
o Insan,
Power Play, pp. 74-86. [Critical discussion of resettlement plans
for the Bakun project, from the perspective of Malaysian activists.]
o Rousseau,
Jérôme, "The Bakun Project: Review of Socio-Economic
Studies and Preliminary Recommendations for the Resettlement
of the Kayan and Lahanan of the Upper Balui," A report submitted
to the State Planning Unit, Jabatan Ketua Menteri, Sarawak, 27
Sept. 1994. [Extensive analysis of Bakun resettlement plans.]
o Rousseau,
Jérôme, "The Bakun Hydro-electric Project and
resettlement: a failure of planning," Conference on the
Bakun Hydro-electric Project, Kuala Lumpur, December 2-3, 1995.
[Critical discussion of resettlement plans, from the perspective
of a McGill
University anthropologist.]
Technical issues
(top of page)
There are many uncertainties concerning technical details of
the Bakun project. These include variations in rainfall and streamflow
at the dam site, and questions concerning the design and stability
of the dam itself. One of the most significant technical worries
relates to the cables that will deliver power to the Malaysian
mainland. They are, in effect, an unprecedented experiment. At
650 km, they are far longer than the longest existing undersea
power cables, beneath the calmer waters between Denmark and Sweden.
No reliable estimates of how much these cables will cost, how
long they will last, or how much power will be lost as it travels
through the cable, are yet available.
Sources:
o Insan, Power Play.
o Malaysia
Ministry of Finance, Economic Report 1994/95.
o Aliran
Monthly, Vol. 16(5), 1996.
o Wang,
WeiLou, "Bakun Hydro-Electricity-Project (HEP) Firm Capacity:
Dangerous Tendency" Conference on the Bakun Hydro-electric
Project, Kuala Lumpur, December 2-3, 1995. [Argues that predictions
of power production are inflated, as estimates of river flow
and efficiency of power generation are over-estimated.] |